Author Archive for Matt McCaffrey

I Only Read It for the Articles! Rothbard’s Penthouse Interview


G-Rated (Almost) Edit of October 1976 Cover

In the 1970s, Penthouse magazine had a reputation for featuring the ideas of unorthodox political thinkers and movements. That’s why in October 1976 it interviewed Murray Rothbard to ask about the rapidly-growing philosophy of libertarianism. This interview is now difficult to find, but was recently excavated from the archives at the Mises Institute.

The article begins with an introduction that provides a great snapshot of both Rothbard’s work and personality:

The Murray Rothbard wall poster depicts a graying professor pecking at a typewriter. His words rise magically from the machine and blend into a black flag of anarchy rippling above his head. Beneath the drawing is this caption: “Murray N. Rothbard—the greatest living enemy of the state.” The poster, like almost everything else relating to politics, causes Rothbard to laugh… If someone mentions the name of almost any establishment economist or political figure, Rothbard will respond with a nasal guffaw… Jerry Ford, John Kenneth Galbraith, Alan Greenspan, Ronald Reagan—they all receive the same response: a laugh followed by a theoretical disputation in which Rothbard employs buzz-saw logic to rip into these persons he views as enemies of liberty, prosperity, and the common good.

There are some entertaining stories as well. For instance, the interview points out that Rothbard’s criticism of conventional economics made him an unpopular choice for private consulting, which is often a lucrative line of work for economists. In Rothbard’s case though, “Only one firm—a mushroom factory—has called on him for consulting advice in the past twenty years.”

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Scientific Progress Needs Entrepreneurial Progress

2593426985_21eb9aa4eb_oIn our age of technological marvels, it’s easy to be in awe of science, and even to believe that science in and of itself is responsible for the high living standards enjoyed in some nations. Likewise, it’s all too easy to see poverty and economic stagnation as stemming from a lack of scientific progress, and conclude that to make the world a better place, all we need are more breakthroughs and inventions.

However, the recent explosion of interest in “science” tends to overlook what is maybe the most important fact about human progress: it doesn’t happen without entrepreneurial progress. In other words, scientific breakthroughs don’t actually increase most people’s welfare until entrepreneurs figure out how to make them do something practical, at prices consumers find reasonable. As Peter Klein points out, such was the case of the internet, which had little value until it was integrated into the market economy.

Given the popularity of celebrity scientists like Neil deGrasse Tyson, or of pages like “I f@&%ing love science,” it’s vital to stress the common-sense economics of scientific research. It’s when science enters our lives through the market that it bestows the greatest benefits on humanity. Whether it’s a basic invention or the most advanced physical science, entrepreneurs make the wonders of the scientific world into commonplace conditions of everyday life.

What science needs then is a guiding hand (hint: an invisible one), a means to assess the social worth of new knowledge and inventions. And that’s exactly what the market provides through the indispensable tool of economic calculation. Because their mission is to improve the lives of consumers, entrepreneurs are the standard-bearers of scientific progress, looking constantly to the frontiers of knowledge for new ways to increase human well-being.

England’s Private Road Rakes in the Money

tollsA couple of months ago I wrote about Mike Watts, the businessman who built a private toll road to replace a public road destroyed by a landslide. Because local government couldn’t fix the damaged road for almost a year, drivers were obliged to take an extremely inefficient detour, greatly increasing commute times and other transportation costs. In response, Watts and his wife stepped in and risked their life savings to open a toll road alongside the closed public one.

The big question when it opened was whether Watts would be able to recover his expenses, and so far the answer seems to be, yes. Watts just served his 100,000th customer, earning him £200,000 in the process. His total expenses for the project will be about £250,000, so he’s well on his way to breaking even before the public road is scheduled to reopen some time in December.

Naturally, Watts is having trouble with local government, which hates to look bad when entrepreneurial initiative accomplishes what it can’t, and at a fraction of the cost. He’s had to retroactively apply for a planning permit for the road that has already cost £25,000 in surveyor’s fees and ecological assessments. The local council has even spent an additional £660,000 to speed up repairs to the old road, which will now cost £2.66 million to get running again. This kind of desperation only goes to show how threatening it is for public officials when entrepreneurs provide services usually protected by monopoly.

Mises vs. the Austro-Marxists


Rudolf Hilferding

Paul Krugman isn’t the first economist to project his own faults onto opponents: adversaries of Austrian economics have been doing it since the early days. One lesser-known example is Rudolf Hilferding, a contemporary of Mises and member of the “Austro-Marxist” circle, which appeared in Vienna around the turn of the century.[1]

Hilferding was a student of medicine, but regularly attended Böhm-Bawerk’s seminar along with Mises, Schumpeter, and many of the best young social scientists of pre-WWI Austria.[2] Hilferding’s first foray into economics was a response to Böhm-Bawerk’s critique of Marx; it was discussed at length in the seminar, although Mises recalls that Otto Bauer, another leading Austro-Marxist, “openly admitted to me that Hilferding did not grasp the problems at hand” (Memoirs, 2009, p. 31).

In any case, in 1910 Hilferding published Finance Capital, an influential discussion of the decline and fall of capitalism. The book was intended to flesh out Marx’s thought on the subject, which had remained somewhat sketchy; however, Austrians will find a lot to chew on in Finance Capital, which offers an odd mixture of intriguing and flawed ideas (see here and here). In particular, Hilferding argued that in the last stage of capitalism, financial interests would grow to dominate the economy, and, facing economic crises of their own making, would rely on imperialism to maintain their eroding power base.

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Entrepreneurship Can Be Hazardous to Your Health


An entrepreneur at work.

The Economist ran a good article last week about the enormous difficulty of being an entrepreneur. In particular, the piece emphasizes the importance of doing away with the mythology of entrepreneurship as a life of romance, adventure, and the heroic pursuit of greatness. In reality, entrepreneurship is grueling and unforgiving, and can destroy not only an entrepreneur’s finances, but her mental and physical health as well.

Now, there’s irony in the fact that the article appears on The Economist’s Schumpeter Blog, given that Schumpeter himself helped popularize the romantic view of entrepreneurship. But the article rightly points out that thinking about entrepreneurship in idealistic terms glosses over the harsh truth:

It is fashionable to romanticise entrepreneurs. Business professors celebrate the geniuses who break the rules and change the world. Politicians praise them as wealth creators. Glossy magazines drool over Richard Branson’s villa on Lake Como. But the reality can be as romantic as chewing glass: first-time founders have the job security of zero-hour contract workers, the money worries of chronic gamblers and the social life of hermits.

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Do Incentives Really Matter?

7214510228_fa7685186d_bThe phrase “incentives matter” is ubiquitous in economics, from undergraduate teaching to economic policy debates. The mantra is especially popular in the growing literature targeted at the general public, which I’ve criticized before for its undue focus on incentives (see here and here). My point is that while it’s good to see economic ideas reaching a larger audience, it doesn’t help much if the ideas aren’t sound to begin with. Such is often the case with the concept of incentives.

To answer the question posed in the title, yes, incentives matter, in the sense that individuals have motivations, and it’s important to think about what those motivations are if we want to know how people act in the real world. For example, in the words of Steven Kerr, ignoring incentives often leads to “the folly of rewarding A, while hoping for B,” which produces managerial chaos.

Nevertheless, emphasizing incentives too much glosses over several problems: economic laws can make incentives irrelevant; incentives are in any case too narrow a concept to be the defining characteristic of economics; focus on incentives sometimes leads to a paternalistic view of economic policy.

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The Economics of Perpetual War

Cyprian_WarThe 100th anniversary of the beginning of World War I seems like an ideal opportunity to spread a message of peace and economic cooperation; sadly, 2014 has so far been a year of new and renewed conflict far more than one of reconciliation.

By now, talk of the horrors of war is nothing new. Everyone knows about the total destruction war brings; in fact, we’ve known for millennia. As Lew Rockwell points out, “just about everyone makes the perfunctory nod to the tragedy of war, that war is a last resort only, and that everyone sincerely regrets having to go to war”—but war continues all the same. Even classical military strategists like Sun Tzu believed war should only be used only as a last resort, and argued that military campaigns could bankrupt states and ultimately, destroy them. Art of War actually states that “no country has ever profited from protracted warfare,” and cautions generals to “fight under Heaven with the paramount aim of ‘preservation.’” Yet as far back as we have historical records, these sorts of ideas have fallen on deaf ears among governments and military organizations alike.

Economics offers many insights into war making and why it persists, but the most fundamental explanation is an institutional one. It’s tragically simple: warnings about the horrors of war go unheeded because the power to make war—as well as “justify” it in the eyes of those forced to fight and finance it—lies in the hands of the state and its business and intellectual allies. States are monopolists of organized force, and as such decide when and how to use their power on a grand scale, especially when they wish to confront other monopolists.

In fact, economic reasoning tells us that conflict is an integral part of the logic of states, which are inherently prone to warfare and imperialism. That war is an essential and practically inevitable behavior of government has been known since ancient times: for instance, Art of War begins by stating that “War is the greatest affair of state, the basis of [its] life and death, the Tao to survival or extinction.” Read More→

Malaysian Airlines Opts for (Complete) State Ownership

300px-Malaysia_Airlines_Svg_Logo.svgBeleaguered Malaysian Airlines is opting for a government buyout in the wake of recent disasters. The company is already 69% state-owned, but a new deal will allow the Malaysian government to acquire the remaining shares, completing the nationalization. The airline has been in a downward financial spiral for years, plagued with union difficulties and loss-making state-management decisions, and the blows suffered in the last five months have only compounded its troubles.

Malaysia’s state investment company claims the goal of the buyout is to “revive our national airline to be profitable as a commercial entity and to serve its function as a critical national development entity.” The reality is that Malaysian Airlines is unable to compete in the airline industry—which is already a poster child for corporate welfare across the world—and is surrendering any of its remaining burden of market entrepreneurship.

Bluntly, the buyout looks like textbook rent-seeking and political entrepreneurship. At about eight cents per share, the buying price for the minority stake in the company is 29% higher that its average share price over the last three months, and higher than the share price prior to the disappearance of Flight 370 in March. The inflated value will act as a subsidy to the shareholders, who will make out far better than they would in a market that genuinely reflected the airlines’ inability to allocate resources effectively.

Of course, the transfer of the remaining ownership to government will not save the struggling firm, and if anything we should expect its fortunes to decline even further. More state ownership will only complete Malaysian Airlines’ insulation from anything resembling genuine markets, and eliminate any entrepreneurial drive toward satisfying consumers.

Guess Who Built the Roads?’s a great story in the news this week about Mike Watts, a British entrepreneur who’s found a creative solution to one of economics’ most clichéd questions: “Who will build the roads?” Ever since a landslide in February, a section of the A431 roadway between Bath and Bristol has been closed to traffic. The closure has been making life very difficult for commuters—who face dramatically increased fuel costs, driving times, and pollution—and it will take until Christmas before local government will be able to repair the road.

Seeing the trouble caused by the closure, Watts stepped in to solve the problem by building his own toll road to provide a cheaper and more direct route for motorists. The Telegraph reports that “The route, which opened on Friday, is believed to be the first privately-run toll road built in more than 100 years.”

Watts and his wife have been truly entrepreneurial in their venture, which cost £150,000 to build and will require another £150,000 to maintain over the next five months (compared to an estimated £1.5 million to repair the damaged road). But they’re confident they’ve made the right decision both for themselves and local drivers. Unlike the “patrons” of public roads, Watts’ customers know up front how much they have to pay and what to expect for their money. He’s charging £2 per vehicle, and already has 1,250 customers daily. Shockingly, his road is somehow serviceable and drivers are using it even though it hasn’t received approval from local safety inspectors.

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The Trouble with Pop Economics

FreakonomicsJohn Lott writes in Barron’s that we should be sceptical of the populist economics trend that’s been prevalent in the past few years. Specifically, Lott criticizes Steven Levitt and Stephen Dubner, authors of Freakonomics, for peddling a kind of “naïve economics” that fascinates readers, but doesn’t hold up to serious scrutiny (rather than “naïve economics,” maybe “economics for the naïve” would be better).

I’ve been working through some similar ideas myself, especially in a new paper criticizing aspects of the pop econ literature. I should point out that these books—including Freakonomics and its many imitators—do have a reasonable goal, namely, to bring the economic point of view to the general public. Now, the fact that economics needs a special literature to explain its ideas to the public is telling, and to some extent an indictment of how the profession has developed (e.g. into an abstract and often excessively technical discipline). Still, as writers like Hazlitt show, it’s a great advantage to be able to communicate economic ideas simply and powerfully. But while in general we should welcome economic writing for non-economists, too often pop econ forgets to stop when descending the ivory tower, and ends up on the intellectual parking sublevel.

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The Flourishing of Libertarian Literary Writing

B946Although libertarians and Austrian economists have been interested for a long time in the relationship between art and liberty, there’s been relatively little effort to develop a distinctly liberty- or market-oriented form of literary theory; critical theory is a playground for myriad “isms,” but libertarianism isn’t often counted among them. Fortunately, this situation is beginning to change, as there’s a lot of exciting work being done in the field of literary studies, which isn’t usually known for its sound economics or liberal political philosophy.

Much of the creative energy behind this new research can be attributed to Paul Cantor, who has devoted an impressive career to exploring the relation between markets, art, and popular culture. If you want an overview of the topic, you can listen to Cantor’s fascinating lecture series from 2006 on Commerce and Culture. Especially important is the book he edited with Stephen Cox, Literature and the Economics of Liberty: Spontaneous Order in Culture, which helped lay the foundations of a libertarian literary criticism.

There are many other writers who are pushing the boundaries as well, especially those at the Austrian Economics and Literature blog. To name only one contributor, Sarah Skwire frequently covers neglected classics like the operettas of Gilbert and Sullivan, along with unfairly-maligned works like Thoreau’s Walden.

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IKEA’s “Minimum Wage”

200px-Ikea_logo.svgIKEA has announced it will be raising the “minimum wage” of its US employees to $10.76 per hour, an increase of about 17% from the current minimum. The news comes in the midst of another “national discussion” (often code for anti-economic hysteria) about minimum wage “reform” (always code for an increase).

Economic criticisms of the public minimum wage are readily available, but IKEA’s decision is different. It does have some interesting economic implications, but there are a lot of other issues in this story worth discussing, not the least of which is the language used to report it. That is, I have to wonder why people use the term “minimum wage” to refer to the internal policy of a private firm. Maybe it’s just a convenience of language, but regardless of its true cause, this usage gives a rhetorical advantage to proponents of government-mandated minimum wages.

That is, using “minimum wage” to describe both entrepreneurs’ decisions and government regulation obscures the distinction between them, i.e. that one is chosen by employers and the other forced on them under penalty of law (often through the influence of larger competitors). Using the same term opens the door to falsely conflating policies, making it seem like private and political decision making are the same or similar. If private firms declare their own minimum wages, a government minimum wage loses its distinctiveness, and seems like just another benign entry on a long list of possible wage policies. It’s all too easy—as news outlets reporting this story demonstrate—to compare IKEA’s minimum wage to the federal minimum wage, as if each is just a different but harmless way to improve people’s welfare.

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The Intellectuals’ Hostility to the Market Economy

Joseph_Schumpeter_ekonomialariaFurther to Joe Salerno’s post on “Hayek and the Intellectuals,” it’s worth adding that Hayek was not alone in thinking of the intellectual class as naturally hostile to the market economy. In particular, there are many similarities between Hayek’s ideas and those found in Schumpeter’s “Sociology of the Intellectuals.”

Schumpeter famously argued in Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy (1942; three years before Hayek’s essay) that the entrepreneurial economy creates wealth and improves social conditions to such an extent that it eventually undermines itself and is replaced with socialism. Entrepreneurs are so successful that people take them for granted; in fact, people resent entrepreneurship and innovation, because the constant transformation of the economy gives them feelings of instability and uncertainty.

[T]he ever-rising standards of life and particularly the leisure that modern capitalism provides for the fully employed workman…well, there is no need for me to finish the sentence or to elaborate one of the truest, oldest and most stodgy of all arguments which unfortunately is but too true. Secular improvement that is taken for granted and coupled with individual insecurity that is acutely resented is of course the best recipe for breeding social unrest.

However, this “hostility” to the market economy is insufficient to produce a full-blown transition to socialism. In addition, “For [a revolutionary] atmosphere to develop it is necessary that there be groups to whose interest it is to work up and organize resentment, to nurse it, to voice it and to lead it.” Enter the intellectuals.

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Do Video Games Teach Economics?

GalagaMany teachers know that encouraging interest in the dismal science can be difficult because students often find economics abstract and, well, dismal. It’s basically a truism then that if economists want to engage students, we should use interesting and relatable examples. And more often than not, this means mining pop culture for teaching moments from music, TV, and film. Along these lines, I suggest economists begin to look to video games for inspiration as well.

In the last few years, there has been an explosion of interest in the economics of the video game industry, and especially in the digital economies that emerge within games. Whether we look at social interaction and trade, or money and inflation, it’s obvious that as games become more complex, they increasingly illustrate the principles of economics. The most common examples come from Massively Multiplayer Online (MMO) titles like World of Warcraft and EVE Online, but I think games incorporate economic ideas in more fundamental ways as well.

I’ve discussed in a recent article how games imply economic behavior, and how making decisions within a game highlights the fundamentals of human action. The basic idea is that virtual worlds, like the real world, present us with a series of choices. Games impose digital scarcity, obliging players to weigh the benefits of different courses of action, make tradeoffs, and incur costs.

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The True Costs of War

B242Memorial Day provides as good an opportunity as any to reflect on the horrendous and irreversible costs of war. For most people—and rightly so—the clearest costs are those in terms of human life, which is shattered both physically and psychologically. As John Denson writes, “In looking at the costs of war we must always keep in mind the reality experienced by soldiers in actual combat. The tallies of the dead and wounded soldiers cannot carry the full meaning of the terror of actually experiencing war… [and] the very real horror and violence known by those on the front lines who actually do the fighting.” The destruction of life, civilian and soldier, is usually the goal and always the result of warfare in any age.

Yet in addition to the human costs, which are themselves staggering, there are others as well. Denson further explains:

In the war-torn [21st] century, we rarely hear that one of the main costs of war is a long-term loss of liberty to winners and losers alike. There are the obvious and direct costs of the number of dead and wounded soldiers, but rarely do we hear about the lifetime struggles of combat veterans to live with their nightmares and injuries. Nor do we hear much about the long-term hidden costs of inflation, debts, and taxes. Other inevitable long-term costs of war which are not immediately obvious are damages caused to our culture, to our morality, and to civilization in general.

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Lean Startups and Capital Ownership

6719452305_78383ce4e3_zIn the last few years, there has been a big emphasis in entrepreneurship on “lean” startups. Being lean basically means avoiding unnecessary costs early in the development of a new venture, thus minimizing waste and reducing the negative effects of uncertainty. For example, a common lean strategy involves using consumers to test a limited run of an unfinished product in order to furnish data before going to market. This allows the firm to gauge the likelihood of success before committing resources to full-scale production, which is expensive and uncertain.

The conventional wisdom, which in some ways is just economic common sense, is that a new firm should stay lean for as long as possible. Yet one implication that is sometimes drawn from the lean approach is that capital ownership is a negative for early-stage entrepreneurs, because in some ways owning capital narrows a firm’s strategic options, both economically and geographically. Lean ideas are especially popular in high-tech industries (where they originated), which are more likely to be driven by ideas and lines of code than intensive investment in plant and equipment.

The lean philosophy may then hint at some interesting questions for Austrian economists. For instance, if it is true, as many Austrians have emphasized, that entrepreneurship requires resources (and especially capital goods), how would economists respond to the claim that successful entrepreneurship doesn’t or shouldn’t require capital assets (at least in its early stages)?

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Game of Thrones and the Politics of Fantasy

Game_of_Thrones_title_cardThe internet is filled with talk of the fourth season of HBO’s Game of Thrones. This is welcome news, as Game of Thrones probably offers economists more teachable moments than any show currently on the air (even House of Cards). Fans are probably familiar with its economic themes and strongly critical view of government, which have attracted the attention of many libertarians, including yours truly. But the show’s “politics without romance” approach has been catching on in other circles as well, and (shameless self-promotion) my own economic take has been featured by CNBC and

But instead of using this post to explore themes from the show, I want to talk more generally about why I think it’s so effective in portraying the devastating reality of war, power, and government. The secret, in my opinion, is the fantasy setting. While it might seem counter-intuitive that an elaborate fictional world with so much supernatural activity could actually describe the real world, Game of Thrones works well because it seems so removed from our own experience.

There are many ways we could think about this, so I’ll stick to just a couple. First, fantasy worlds give us a place for our ideas to play. Maybe if we can’t yet make the real world more to our liking, we can create a fictional world to act as a kind of thought experiment in which to develop our ideas and share them. The possibility to create new worlds is one reason sci-fi and fantasy have long been home to ideas about liberty.

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The Surveillance State in Socialist Romania

800px-Flag_of_Romania_(1965-1989).svgThe BBC is running a tragic but fascinating article about political oppression under the Ceausescu regime in socialist Romania. The article tells the story of Carmen Bugan, whose father, Ion Bugan, was repeatedly spied on, arrested, and tortured for political dissent. Since 1999, the files of the Romanian secret police, the Securitate, have been available to those who were investigated during the socialist period, and Carmen has uncovered the files kept on her family. In the process, she has revealed publicly the true extent of the surveillance and suffering her family (and many other Romanians) endured.

Like every socialist country, Romania under Ceausescu failed economically. As Carmen Bugan describes it, “This was a Romania of food shortages, frequent power cuts, and ferocious reprisals for any form of dissent… Evening bread queues often ended in fist fights.” In order to quell any calls for reform, his government brutally suppressed any opposition, including that of Ion Bugan. Bugan agitated for political reform and attempted to flee the country, but more than once was arrested and sentenced to hard labor.

Part of the sentence was a five-month period of torture by solitary confinement and starvation while wearing 45kg of chains day and night, in the “special” wing of the prison at Alba Iulia… My father’s own account of this period is hair-raising: he was fed once every two days, and allowed to wash three times in the entire period he was held there.

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Entrepreneurship without Romance

3279740532_d4105eb4fa_oJames Buchanan’s work on the economics of public choice has been called “politics without romance,” because it looks beneath the glossy exterior of government and reveals the underlying reality of political behavior. Unfortunately, the “romantic” view of politics is shared by supporters of all types of political power, who seem to don rose-colored hazmat suits in order to promote their particular candidates, parties, or ideologies. As I’ve mentioned elsewhere, from the perspective of economics, politics looks less like romance and more like an abusive marriage.

Entrepreneurship also attracts a kind of mistaken romanticism, although in a different way than politics. A couple of weeks ago, Isaac Morehouse wrote an insightful post on the Praxis blog warning that we should take care to avoid glamorizing creativity too much. His point is that creative success, especially in entrepreneurship, can derive from relatively straightforward decision making. Creativity is often simply an attempt to solve a problem while avoiding harm to oneself, as opposed to the flashy, dramatic, and heroic struggle against the odds we sometimes imagine it to be.

In other words, we often place undue emphasis on the personal magnetism and economic “heroism” of entrepreneurs. Yet despite being the “driving force of the market,” entrepreneurship is often quite mundane. Taking a romantic view can be misleading if we end up thinking in terms of only the most dramatic cases of disruptive innovation or personal entrepreneurial charisma (or lack thereof!), and less on the pervasive and vital role of entrepreneurial calculation and judgment.

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Venezuela’s Ongoing Economic Crisis

download (1)A few months ago, Carmen Dorobăţ and I wrote an article discussing Venezuela’s rapidly deteriorating economic situation. Since then, conditions in Venezuela have worsened, and in the last week political unrest has escalated quickly, with large protests of the Maduro government taking place in Caracas and elsewhere around the country. Maduro and his supporters have responded by violently cracking down on the protests and censoring media outlets covering the events.

The protests do not appear to be guided by a specific ideological movement or set of political goals, but are instead a more general reaction to the country’s economic turmoil. As one protester explained, “I’m here because I’m tired of the crime, of the shortages, tired of having to stand on line to buy anything. I’m tired of the politicians of both sides.” In the last few years, Venezuela has become a classic and tragic case of Mises’ argument that systematic government intervention leads to socialism. The country has had a pseudo-socialist government for some time, but the logic of economic planning has gradually eroded what few economic freedoms there once were. In particular, the current system of price controls (which Maduro has expanded) has caused shortages of sugar, toilet paper, and many other essential goods. It is always easier and more tempting for government to increase control than relinquish it, and the increasing economic disorder resulting from the initial shortages has only resulted in more price controls, just as Mises predicted.

Venezuela’s monetary policy has also played an important role in this process. Its rate of inflation has been rising rapidly, and is now 56% per year. Mises emphasized that price controls are governments’ natural response to inflationary price increases. When faced with the choice of stopping the printing press or expanding price controls, governments tend to choose the latter. As is often the case, bad monetary policy is driving the broader increase in socialist policies.

Price controls and inflationary policy are both recipes for social disintegration, which is what the protests in Venezuela seem to be struggling against. It’s not clear to what extent Maduro’s government is actually threatened by these events, but we can only hope that the protests will help set Venezuela on the path to peace and economic and social freedom.